Sierra Leone Special Court addresses
whether indictees can benefit from amnesties: LCHR, Redress
and the International Commission of Jurists intervene as amicus
curiae
On November 3, 2024 a special criminal court set up as
part of Sierra Leone’s post-conflict transition held hearings
to determine whether it should recognize amnesties granted as
part of the peace agreement, the Lomé Accord. LCHR, together
with two other human rights organizations, Redress and the International
Commission of Jurists, accepted by the Appeals Chamber of the
court as amicus curiae, argued that amnesties cannot apply for
those who have committed the most heinous of crimes. The submissions
made are available at http://www.lchr.org/international_justice/w_context/amicus_curiae_brief.pdf.
The Special Court was established to try war crimes, crimes
against humanity and other serious violations committed in that
country’s long and bloody conflict that began in 1996.
(See Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, “The
Special Court for Sierra Leone”. The Court has
so far issued thirteen indictments, including against former
Liberian President Charles Taylor.
As cases begin to move towards trial, the defense has argued
that prosecution is barred because the Lomé Accord of
1999, the agreement that ended the conflict between warring
parties, provided that the government of Sierra Leone would
grant an amnesty to ex-combatants. The Statute of the Special
Court itself, following a specific request from the Security
Council, however, explicitly prohibits the Court from recognizing
amnesties.
LCHR, together with the London-based organization Redress and
the Geneva-based International Commission of Jurists, applied
to intervene in the case of Morris Kallon. Kallon is accused
of responsibility for crimes against humanity and war crimes
while a senior officer in the Revolutionary United Front, the
armed rebel group led by Foday Sankoh that began armed operations
against the government in 1991 and shared power with the leaders
of the military coup that took power in 1997.
In the amicus brief, we argued that recognizing the Lomé
amnesties would be inconsistent with obligations that exist
under international law to investigate, prosecute and punish
perpetrators of serious violations of international human rights
and humanitarian law that constitute crimes under international
law. It would also go against the right of the victims of those
crimes to a remedy and to reparation. The brief sets out statements
and decisions of the United Nations, international, regional
and domestic courts, and the opinions of leading academics,
rejecting the notion of amnesties for serious violations. Most
recently, in August 2003 Argentina’s Senate declared null
and void amnesty laws that had blocked the investigation of
human rights abuses committed during the country’s “dirty
war” of 1976-83.
The court is expected to rule on the matter in the next few
weeks.
BACKGROUND
The Special Court for Sierra Leone was established on the basis
of an agreement between the U.N. and the Government of Sierra
Leone concluded in 2002. Charged with prosecuting those bearing
the greatest responsibility for the serious atrocities perpetrated
in Sierra Leone since 1996, it has so far issued thirteen indictments,
including against former Liberian President Charles Taylor,
currently in exile in Nigeria, rebel leader Foday Sankoh, who
died in July 2003 and other leading figures. The Court, which
was given a three-year mandate, relies on voluntary contributions
from states to fund its work.
Unlike the International Criminal Tribunals for former Yugoslavia
and Rwanda (the ICTY and ICTR), which sit outside the area of
conflict in The Hague and Arusha, Tanzania respectively, the
Special Court is based within Sierra Leone itself. Also unlike
the ICTY and ICTR, the Special Court is of mixed composition,
with some judges and other staff being appointed by the U.N.
and others by the host government. It also applies Sierra Leonean
law as well as international law. For these reasons it is known
as a “mixed” or “hybrid” tribunal, unlike
the ICTY and ICTR which are organs of the U.N.
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